Drifting Apart from Iran
By Davoud Hermidas Bavand
In a significant turn, China agreed to join UN Security Council talks on a new round of sanctions against Iran. Over-the-phone persuasion of China has pleased West, while prompting Iran to run a new intensive round of diplomatic visits. As Davoud Hermidas Bavand, university professor and Iran-US affairs analyst says:
If there is one diplomatic gimmick formerly communist regimes know how to apply professionally, that is turning a trivial issue into a big problem to use it as a bargaining chip in their diplomatic dealings. So think how Chinese make the most of a real international challenge such as Iran’s nuclear program.
With a significant volume of trade exchange between Beijing and Tehran, while US pondered selling advanced arms to Taiwan and Obama met Tibet’s spiritual leader Dalai Lama, it was natural for China to use its Iran lever against the Americans.
On the other hand, with China’s extensive relations with the United States and heavy American investments the Chinese economy, it is clear that at the end of the day, Beijing tries not to stand off against the Washington. So Chinese move closer and closer to other Five plus One members’ decision to impose new sanctions against Iran should not have surprised us.
Traditionally, China has been the balance-creator in the diplomatic game which concerns Iran’s nuclear program. The country may still save this role in future negotiations and the decisions made by the United Nations Security Council, though its support for Iran may not be as powerful as before.
In the early months of his presidency, Obama’s Iran policy was to engage Iranians in diplomatic talks over the nuclear program, even if that meant shelving preconditions to the talks. Obama’s goodwill gesture -the message sent to Iranians on the New Persian Year in March 2009- received a lukewarm reaction in Tehran. It embarrassed Obama inside his country, adding to the pressures by Republican-dominated Congress, pro-Israel lobbies and other influential decision-making circles inside the American political system. Increasing pressures inside the US, reinforced by Iran’s post-election developments, led to a remarkable turn in Obama’s Iran policy and convinced the US president to follow a collective action against Iran via Five plus One.
The current trend in US policy is mobilization of the global public opinion and gaining the consent of other world powers against Iran. Beijing is not an exception and while a few months ago it supported negotiations as the best solution to settle the dispute over Iran’s nuclear program, its oppositional tone against tough actions against Iran seems to have subsided.
Washington and its Western allies have always stated that negotiations will always remain an option and Iran’s constructive measures before the end of April, when UNSC helds a session, can led to a change in the current atmosphere, but Tehran hasn’t taken any steps so far.
If there is one diplomatic gimmick formerly communist regimes know how to apply professionally, that is turning a trivial issue into a big problem to use it as a bargaining chip in their diplomatic dealings. So think how Chinese make the most of a real international challenge such as Iran’s nuclear program.
With a significant volume of trade exchange between Beijing and Tehran, while US pondered selling advanced arms to Taiwan and Obama met Tibet’s spiritual leader Dalai Lama, it was natural for China to use its Iran lever against the Americans.
On the other hand, with China’s extensive relations with the United States and heavy American investments the Chinese economy, it is clear that at the end of the day, Beijing tries not to stand off against the Washington. So Chinese move closer and closer to other Five plus One members’ decision to impose new sanctions against Iran should not have surprised us.
Traditionally, China has been the balance-creator in the diplomatic game which concerns Iran’s nuclear program. The country may still save this role in future negotiations and the decisions made by the United Nations Security Council, though its support for Iran may not be as powerful as before.
In the early months of his presidency, Obama’s Iran policy was to engage Iranians in diplomatic talks over the nuclear program, even if that meant shelving preconditions to the talks. Obama’s goodwill gesture -the message sent to Iranians on the New Persian Year in March 2009- received a lukewarm reaction in Tehran. It embarrassed Obama inside his country, adding to the pressures by Republican-dominated Congress, pro-Israel lobbies and other influential decision-making circles inside the American political system. Increasing pressures inside the US, reinforced by Iran’s post-election developments, led to a remarkable turn in Obama’s Iran policy and convinced the US president to follow a collective action against Iran via Five plus One.
The current trend in US policy is mobilization of the global public opinion and gaining the consent of other world powers against Iran. Beijing is not an exception and while a few months ago it supported negotiations as the best solution to settle the dispute over Iran’s nuclear program, its oppositional tone against tough actions against Iran seems to have subsided.
Washington and its Western allies have always stated that negotiations will always remain an option and Iran’s constructive measures before the end of April, when UNSC helds a session, can led to a change in the current atmosphere, but Tehran hasn’t taken any steps so far.