Tehran’s Priority Is Cooperation with Regional Forces

Three points need to be considered with regard to “Iran and the Arab revolutions”: first of all, the interconnectedness of domestic issues and foreign policy; it must be noted that the Arab developments, while being concentrated on the dynamics of the domestic policies of the Arab countries such as the advancement of democracy, the rights of the youth and women, removing dictatorships, and justice and economic progress, etc., are somewhat related to the issue of “change” in the foreign policies of the Arab countries. Now, concepts such as independence, nationalism, and most important of all “regional cooperation” are proposed in the foreign policy of these countries which is what the public opinion of the region demands.

This characteristic is an opportunity for Iran from two aspects. From a domestic point of view, the formation of “majority governments”, which has been the public demand of these societies, like in Egypt and Tunisia, which pursue the strengthening of relations with Iran is important. We had previously seen that the establishment of a majority government in Iraq with the coming to power of a Shiite government led to the strengthening of Iran’s relations with this Arab country. These types of governments challenge the traditional concept of hostility against Iran which has been pursued by the conservative Arab governments. From the aspect of foreign policy, the most important development is related to the spread of the general inclination of the regional powers to strengthen “regional cooperation”. For example, the new Egyptian government is gradually pursuing more cooperation with Iran to solve the crisis in Syria. Iran and Saudi Arabia have recently cooperated, although very little, in this regard as well. This development by itself challenges the role of the foreign forces in regional affairs which has traditionally existed. This development is an opportunity for Iran.

In summary, if the interconnectedness of the domestic issues with the regional issues, resulting from the Arab developments, is managed well, it can be an opportunity for Iran. Until now Iran has established relations with the Islamic movements (masses). Now it simultaneously has close relations with the Arab governments. With this development, the regionalization approach would gradually be strengthened against the internationalization approach. In other words, foreign players have, hitherto, impacted the fate of the region with the help of the conservative Arab governments. But now the dynamics of the domestic policies are directing the new governments of the region towards regional cooperation.

Secondly, the Arab revolutions and the redefinition of the element of “ideology”: this issue is also significant from two aspects. First, the element of ideology is a complicated and, at the same time, progressive element in the Middle East. Everybody is making efforts to abstain from ideological games, but it is naturally rooted in the politics of this region. On one hand, it leads to political competitions in regional issues through a national framework and in foreign policy and relations between the states, like the Shiite-Sunni competition in Iran-Saudi relations. But on the other hand, it is simultaneously a power tool, particularly when it is placed in its general aspect, i.e. the concept of “resistance” against the foreigners and Israel. Second, the Arab developments have led to the entrance of another ideological movement, the Muslim Brotherhood, into the issues of the region. This movement, even with the aim of stabilizing its power in Egypt's domestic institutions, strengthens the element of ideology in the foreign policy of this country; therefore it has serious impacts on the issues of the balance of regional power. Contrary to some western viewpoints, the Arab developments have increased the role of ideology in the region in general.

Therefore, it seems that with the emergence of the Arab developments, the role of ideology has been redefined. It means that the governments of the region attempt to manage the element of ideology in their regional relations because it would lead to tension in their relations and instability in the region. But at the same time, we see that the impacts of ideology on the public aspects of the region are growing. It means that ideology is in general transforming into an effective regional element. This issue would affect relations between the countries of the region and those outside the region.

Thirdly, Iran’s approach with regard to the developments of the region, including the Syrian crisis: Basically, Iran’s approach is based on peaceful solutions to the regional issues and attempting to maintain the stability and security of the Middle East. Iran’s foreign policy with regard to the crisis in Syria can be considered from two aspects. First of all, Iran demands the non-violent transfer of power in Syria. In fact, the positions taken by other regional rivals like Turkey and Saudi Arabia and the western countries from the outset of the crisis have led Iran to take an active position in Syria. Iran seeks the strengthening of the system in Syria, for it is concerned about instability and with it the growing of the Sunni-Salafi radical movements in the region. The spread of radical movements is to Iran’s disadvantage for three reasons. First, it gives an excuse for the presence of foreign forces, including the Americans. Secondly, Sunni radicalism would be transformed into an anti-Shiite and anti-Iran movement, like in Iraq and Afghanistan. Third, radicalism eliminates the chance of peaceful political transfer. Basically, the radicals are ideological and do not support coalition governments. For example, the Taliban in Afghanistan demand absolute power, which means the spread of civil war in Syria.

The second aspect is that Iran pursues the strengthening of regional solutions. On this basis, regional issues ought to be solved by the countries of the region. Of course, this would not mean the unrealistic non-intervention of the extra-regional countries, because they have their own interests and will remain in the region. This rather means that the issues of the region must be solved while considering the political and security realities of the region and, at the same time, considering the interests of all the parties, whether domestic, regional, or extra-regional. If the regional approach is strengthened, the countries of the region will be encouraged to cooperate in terms of the impacts of policy-making decisions. Then international institutions will also support this issue. If, on the contrary, the role of the regional players is weakened, the countries of the region will stand against each other in their policy-makings, because in the competition of the balance of power, they intend to contain each other's roles, like Iran and Turkey's current status in the Syrian crisis.

It is hoped that in the Geneva-2 conference, the stress would be placed on the regional approach. Nevertheless, besides all the existing challenges, the crisis in Syria can be an opportunity to strengthen regional and extra-regional cooperation.