A Poor and Revolutionary Country Worthy of Admiration

IRD: The Yemeni uprising should be the most respected among all other Arab uprisings. Because while living in a poor country ruled by Ali Abdullah Saleh- who has created political and religious disparities in society- the Yemeni people have behaved in accordance to an advanced civil society. Yemen is the poorest Arab country neighboring the wealthiest oil-rich countries. The Yemeni per capita income is less than 600 dollars a year, while the per capita income of its neighboring countries is in the tens of thousands. For example, Qatar ranks second to Luxembourg with its 75 thousand dollar per capita income.

40% of the Yemeni people live under the poverty line with an income of under 2.51 dollars a day. Its rich neighbors have never exhibited generous behavior toward the Yemenis, and according to an old saying, they saw their prosperity in keeping their southern neighbor in poverty. A sentence in Malek Abdul Aziz’s will, stating that “your prosperity is in the poverty of Yemen”, is not unknown to anyone in the Arabian Peninsula. However, today this poor neighbor is ending the days of dictatorship and support from the West and its Northern neighbors by creating a great revolution.

Some features of the Yemeni revolution are as follows:

1-    Unity to achieve a common goal: Yemeni society was a fragmented and divided one before the uprisings. Many Shiites in the North were struggling against the central government. In the south, the people and parties were discontent with Ali Abdullah Saleh’s policies and called for a separation from the north. Yemeni parties each had a different and paradoxical agenda on the political scene; they would sometimes get close to Saleh and sometimes oppose him. The tribal structure of society enabled Ali Abdullah Saleh to stay in power for 32 years by playing the tribes against each other. In such a society, concepts like national identity never found the chance to reveal themselves, despite thousands of years of Yemeni civilization. This revolution united all the parties, tribes, sects, and trends in Yemen to achieve one goal: the ouster of Ali Abdullah Saleh. Through the three-month long protests of the Yemeni people, their shared identity- which was suppressed by the government- once again established itself.

2-     Resistance and diligence: The second important characteristic of the Yemeni revolution is the unique persistence of the people. Since early February 2011, when people first took to the streets, they never again abandoned them. Persistent and attentive protests were going on in all Yemeni cities. Neither the violence of Yemeni security forces nor the promises of Ali Abdullah Saleh have been able to create a gap between the people and send them back to their homes. The hope of victory and Yemeni self-esteem among the people has become extremely high.

3-    Insistence on a peaceful struggle: There are more than sixty million guns in Yemeni society. Carrying gun in this country is legal. Ali Abdullah Saleh had also pointed to this fact in the early days of the protests, and said that if he left, armed conflict would occur in all parts of Yemen. Yet three months through the protests and no one has heard that protesters have drawn their weapons against the security forces. The Yemenis don’t even use their daggers- part of their traditional outfits- against the security forces or the government vigilantes. This while using these daggers in street fights among people is normal in Yemen. This extraordinary leap to civil behavior among the Yemeni people is worth contemplation.

One of the reasons behind this radical change of behavior could be the great role the youth play in organizing the protests. It seems that a new generation of youth in Yemen and other Middle Eastern countries are rising from the ashes of tradition and the customs of their fathers. This generation and their demands must be taken seriously. We come across statements like the following in the Arabic media these days: “we should apologize to the youth for our pessimistic judgments. We thought that these youth who wore jeans and sat in coffeenets were not capable of doing anything, while now they are creating a major change in their countries.”

4-    Defection of those surrounding the president: During the very first weeks of protests, many of Saleh’s allies defected from the government. Three of the five army commanders in Yemen joined the protesters, including Ali Mohsen Ahmar, Saleh’s stepbrother, who was the commander of the Northern army and who was also in charge of the war with the Zaidis in the north. Saleh only has the security forces and parts of the army, and since the protesters have not turned to violent means and insist on civil resistance, he continues his shaky rule by resorting to violence.

5-    The clever and mature reaction of protesters to foreign barriers: Yemen is Saudi Arabia’s neighbor, and the Saudis face strategic challenges and opportunities in this country. The future of Yemen is of great importance to Saudi Arabia. Only three decades ago did Saleh sign an agreement with them, giving away three of the occupied provinces. In addition, in 2010 the Saudi army got involved in a war with the Zaidis to support the Yemeni government. A war that humiliated Saudi Arabia’s modern army fighting against aging Houthi warriors.

Saudi Arabia has the leadership of all the anti-revolutionary movements in these Arab countries. The most pathetic statement made in regards to the recent uprisings came from Saudi clergies, who announced that protests are religiously forbidden! The Yemeni people understand that their revolution is not only against Saleh, but against the anti-revolutionary conduct of Saudi Arabia as well. A few weeks ago, when it became evident that Saleh had no chance of staying in power, the Saudis entered Yemen with the excuse of mediating, and proposed plans to transfer power from Saleh to someone they trusted.

Saudi Arabia first tried to buy some time for the Yemeni dictator and their plans all asked for one year, six months, or one month stays for Saleh. Due to their influence in the opposition, especially in the Reform party and the Salafis, the Saudis tried to take over negotiations between the opposition and the president and come to an understanding on the exit of Saleh and the transfer of power. But the pressure from the opposition and the youth did not allow the traditional opposition to give that sort of power to the Saudis. The opposition accepted the PGCC plan only when the one bonus given to Saleh was the guarantee of no prosecution. The terms of compromise were so tough on Saleh that he refused the PGCC plan despite his initial acceptance.

We can also witness the maturity of the Yemeni youth in their reaction to Bin Laden’s killing. Ali Abdullah Saleh was one of the rare Arab rulers who wished to see the picture of Bin Laden carried by Yemeni protesters after his death, so that he could extend his fighting the revolution with the pretext of fighting Al-Qaeda. He was able to maintain power in the past decade by convincing the international and regional community that he was in a war against Al-Qaeda. Despite his wish, immediately after Bin Laden’s death, Yemeni youth informed their people through campaigning on the internet that no one should bring out the picture of Bin Laden, since Ali Abdullah Saleh is waiting for this moment to be able to postpone his own political death.

Another difference with the developments in Yemen compared to those of Egypt and Tunisia is that despite the vast and unprecedented protests in this country and the certainty of Saleh’s termination, the US has not asked its ally to leave power yet. The reason behind this lengthy hesitation should be investigated in the context of some of the characteristics of the Yemini power structure:

-There’s no alternative to Saleh who can guarantee the interests of the US and Saudi Arabia, and to be in charge of a transition era like the army is in Egypt.

- Al-Qaeda has military bases in Yemen. Most of the terrorist operations in Europe and the US during 2009 and 2010 were led from this base. Saudi Arabia and the US are worried about the position of Al-Qaeda in Yemen.

- Saudi Arabia considers Yemen within its national security domain, and therefore it has taken the responsibility for the issues in Yemen in the name of the PGCC and on behalf of the United States. Saudi diplomacy lacks the efficiency and flexibility to manage this important case.

Despite all the obstacles on the way to the victory of the Yemeni revolution, the Yemeni people are taking down Saleh step by step, through their civil disobedience. Currently, the only issue is the way he will leave. He desires a decent exit, but it is obvious that the disposal of a dictator who has the blood of his people on his hands will not be a decent one. Ali Abdullah Saleh wanted a letter of immunity so that after his ouster he wouldn’t be prosecuted like Mubarak. However, no one can guarantee this on behalf of the Yemeni people. Neither the PGCC nor the negotiating parties have the qualifications for such promises.